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Showing posts with label times of India. Show all posts
Showing posts with label times of India. Show all posts

Monday, March 26, 2012

After the storm by Subhradeep Chakravorty


'After the Storm' a documentary by Delhi-based filmmaker Subhradeep Chakravorty highlighting the plight of seven Muslim youngsters falsely implicated by police, was screened at the Deccan College of Engineering auditorium in Darussalam on Friday after the Hyderabad police refused to accord permission to screen it at a public venue.

Exposing the highhandedness of the police, the narrative resonates with tales of torture and inhuman treatment meted out to the victims in police custody even as family members speak of the emotional and financial burden on them. Every experience recounted left the audience with a sinking feeling about the police machinery.

As for Billah, an engineering student, he was taken into custody in 2008 for 'conspiring to spread terror' in the city.

"I was taken in by the police at gun-point when I was on the way to attend a friend's wedding. From the time I was arrested, the police tried to make me confess in the Mecca Masjid bomb blast case. They were not ready to believe me when I told them I had never gone to Mecca Masjid to offer prayers. It was not interrogation but orders to confess," Kaleem narrates in the film. Kaleem's parents were in the dark of his whereabouts until he was produced in court. "When I read the case diary, I came to know that I was accused of supplying SIM cards to the terrorists who carried out the blasts. They also accused my brother, who lives abroad, of handing me 10 kg RDX, which according to them was distributed by meto carry out the blast," he said. However the cases did not stand and Kaleem was acquitted in September 2008 after spending 18 months in prison.

The documentary concludes with each of the seven men voicing their thoughts about the secular fabric and police machinery and ruing how Muslims are picked up and subjected to torture under draconian laws.
A report in Times of India. Here


Team Anna member and Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan castigated Narendra Modi for communalizing the state of Gujarat through his propaganda campaigns. Mr. Bhushan was speaking after a documentary film “After the Storm” directed by noted human rights activist Shubradeep Chakravorty, to mark 10 years from the start of the Gujarat pogrom in 2002.

The documentary depicts the tragic victimization of seven Muslim men who were falsely implicated in terror incidents and continued to face discrimination and hardship long after they were acquitted. “Such documentaries put a human face to such stories and help create empathy in the public for such people,” said Mr. Bhushan.
Two circles Here.

The documentary opens with the story of a 49-year-old Mukhtar Ahmed who was taken into custody by the Central Bureau Of Investigation on 3 September 1993 under POTA (Prevention of Terrorism Act). He was accused of being involved in the Chennai RSS regional headquarters blast case. By the time Ahmed was finally acquitted, he had spent a harrowing 14 years in jail and once out on bail is trying to extricate himself from the false charges. Eighteen-year-old Moutasim Billah was wallowing away time in front of his house in old Hyderabad on 5 March, 2008, when he was caught by the police. Though he was released six months later, the jail experience left a significant bearing on his temperament and the life of his family.

The stories that these men tell sound eerily similar — from the manner in which they were picked up and the delay to produce them in courts, to the way they were treated in jail. Most of the time, the date of arrest was falsely given and the delay in producing the accused in courts was to assess whether a successful case could be fabricated.

This similarity is not coincidental, human rights lawyer Prashant Bhushan points out, highlighting the increasing communalisation of the police force as the root cause of the problem. "This is a consistent pattern across the country. In the garb of terror investigations, the police have been systematically framing Muslim youth in terror cases. They fabricate evidence so as to implicate them. Whenever they failed to catch the real culprit, they'd pick up an innocent Muslim," says Bhushan.

He further blamed the media for operating hand in glove with the police. "Media organisations are embedded with the police and play a crucial role in further defaming the accused. Often journalists know that the evidence is fabricated but go ahead nonetheless. Media people have sold their conscience and ethics. A feasible solution to this problem is to make the police force accountable," he says.
A report in Sunday Guardian.Here 


Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan alleged that police across the country systematically frame Muslims in terror investigations when they can't find the culprits

Team Anna member and Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan yesterday claimed that police across the country were "communalised". "Police throughout the country are clearly communalised. Narendra Modi has communalised the entire state through his propaganda campaigns," said Bhushan, speaking after a documentary film show here to mark 10 years of communal riots in Gujarat.
A report in Mid Day. Here

A trailor of the film could be viewed here

Monday, February 07, 2011

“If UK, Hong Kong, Singapore, France can incorporate Islamic banking, India too can look at it,”


Proponents of Islamic banking have welcomed Kerala High Court’s dismissal of the petition challenging the state government’s support to an Islamic financial institution, as a step in the right direction.
    Rooting for India to include interest-free windows in conventional banks, Abdur Raqeeb, general secretary of the Indian Centre for Islamic Finance said nations around the world were looking seriously at Islamic banking.
   

 “If UK, Hong Kong, Singapore, France can incorporate Islamic banking, India too can look at it,” he said adding that they had given RBI and finance ministry a report to introduce an interestfree window in conventional banks within the existing Indian banking regulation act. “We are hopeful,” he said.
    Conventional banks have started testing the waters, making inroads into the new format. In 2008, Malaysia’s Securities Commission, which aims to make the country a hub for global Islamic banking, approved Reliance Asset Management as an Islamic fund manager. Indian banks ICICI and Kotak have Shariatcompliant windows in their Gulf operations. Asset management companies offer such services as well. But these are at a nascent stage and are likely to grow with Gulf funds and NRIs as potential investors.
    Thats not all. Sensing the need for alternative banking systems post the 2008 recession, Aligarh Muslim Univer
sity started a course on Islamic banking. Launched in July 2009 with a 20-member batch, it hopes to increase the number of seats to 30 with demand.
    We sensed demand for this kind of course will grow, Mohammad Nejatullah Siddiqui, former AMU professor who designed the course, said. Although all students in the first batch that graduated last year
did not find jobs, Siddiqui said demand was growing with corporate houses offering Islamic financial instruments.
    To that end, the Kerala case, though restricted to investing in a non-banking financial corporation, is a step in the right direction. If the Kerala state initiative goes ahead, it will be good.
    Raqeeb underlined the need
to understand that Islamic banking was not Muslim-specific. In Malaysia, 40% customers are non-Muslims. Islamic banking is perfect for those who need equity finance and applicable for all underprivileged. At present, although government loans are available, few Muslims avail of them as they are interestbased and other backward people can’t avail of them because they are not creditworthy, said Siddiqui. No-ones looking at Islamic banking for the love of Islam, or for the love of Muslims. They do it for the love of money, reasoned economist Ausaf Ahmad, formerly with the World Bank, adding, transparency, accountability and regulation are important issues in Islamic banking, he said. But its worth the investment in creating a legal and regulatory framework to suit the practices.
  

Islamic funds and Indian companies
    
Relaince Capital Asset Management has two Islamic funds which are managed from Malaysia
    Benchmark Asset Management launched India’s first Sharia-compliant exchangetraded fund on 4 February
    Reliance Mutual Fund, UTI Asset Management, Way2Wealth and Edelweiss Mutual Fund have Sharia-compliant mutual funds
    The first Islamic bank in the country with active involvement of the Kerala goverment is likely to start operations in Kochi by next year 

From an informative analysis by Nandita Sengupta in Times of India. More Here. 

Islamic Banking poses no threat

Given the times we live in, it is not surprising that an effort to establish a financial institution run on Sharia or Islamic principles should arouse anxiety, not curiosity. Thus, a decision of the Kerala government to give sanction to the Kerala State Industrial Development Corporation to start a non-banking finance company based on Islamic principles has been challenged in the Kerala High Court. 

It is to the credit of the judiciary that it upheld the government’s decision. The court rightly held that the joint venture with government participation was to be run in accordance with Islamic principles as well as the law of the land. As such, it could neither be seen to be at odds with the secular principles enshrined in the Constitution nor as a means to support or promote a particular religion. 

The High Court pointedly noted that the government’s intention was to derive commercial benefit from the enterprise, and that money from the exchequer would be paid to an institution which did not propose to engage in religious activities such as preaching or propagation. 

Islam forbids making a living off interest as interest is not seen as accruing from an honest day’s work done, unlike commerce or industry. Indeed, Muslim societies down the centuries have thrived on trade. If an observant Muslim abjures interest earnings, it is hard to see how this injures the spirit of a democratic, liberal and secular order in any manner, as the petitioners sought to suggest. From time to time established Muslim businesses in the country have desired to run commercial institutions, including banks, on the Sharia basis of eschewing interest payments. While the unrequited demand for such enterprises has not been quantified, it is well known that Islamic banking products are offered by leading banks in the West. 

Assets in this category were estimated at about $400 billion in 2008, compared to $100 billion in 2000 — a four-fold rise in as little as eight years. Many Muslims in India stay away from banks in the fear that normal banking practices are not in keeping with their religious norms. In order to mop up savings from such an extensive source, it makes sense to let banks tap into this vein. 

This should enlarge the country’s capital base and help direct it to desired objectives. 

The High Court order has permitted the setting up of a non-banking financial company. On the strength of this, it is possible to take the next step of moving toward Islamic banking within the confines of the normal laws of the land. All aspects of the Sharia are far from being violative of the spirit of modern democratic life. Indeed, in many respects, the guiding principles of Islam are meant to mould societies in the direction of equity. 

There is no need to be apprehensive about any of this in a country which has the second largest Muslim population in the world.
Editorial in Deccan Chronicle, Chennai. More Here.

Here comes Islamic Banking

Friday, February 04, 2011

"We are not a democracy...": Chetan Bhagat


There are two reasons our leaders roam scot-free despite all their crimes. I call it the King and Robin Hood system. First, our leaders are like little kings. They are elected but they are not accountable. Just like erstwhile kings, once in power, they are free to use the kingdom to their advantage. The laws are meant for the common people, not for them. Yes, our kings keep changing through the election process. However, whosoever gets the seat is free to raid the republic. We are not a democracy; the more apt name would be kingocracy. And our politicians being tried, punished and made to bring their money back from Switzerland would not be very king-like at all. 

From Chetan Bhagat's article Of Ravages and Kings in Times of India. More Here

Thursday, November 25, 2010

A Suresh Kalmadi is an easy target than a Sharad Pawar

There is a Soviet silence on television these days. Beneath the noise of the 2G scam and the chaotic cacophony of Parliament lurks a deeper silence that haunts every minute of every channel. The decision to blank out the murky goings-on involving some of India's top names in journalism is a staggeringly significant one. To be sure, the silence pervades most of mainstream media but leaps out of television strikingly because of its tendency to pounce on stories of this kind. For television channels, otherwise willing to go to any lengths for the sake of eyeballs to collaborate with each other in this way is quite unprecedented, and therefore particularly revealing.

But some facts are undeniable. The authenticity of the recordings have not been seriously challenged. The conversations on record show that senior journalists go way beyond the brief of news gathering into news-making by brokering power. It is quite clear that corporate interests are actively injected into the framing of news coverage. Lobbyists do not seem to plead for favourable coverage but issue instructions to journalists, including senior editors. Which are willingly listened to and in some cases, followed.  And finally, when these facts come to light, almost all of media clamps down and blanks out any coverage whatsoever .
The clarifications issued by those allegedly involved so far have been terse and interestingly, have been largely focused on the internet, which is the only space where one can catch a glimpse of the widespread public outrage. Even here, none of the people concerned allow for any comments to be put on their sites. The attempt is to brazen it out by denying the existence of any problem in what amounts to an Orwellian erasure of the present. What we have here is in effect, a case of media issuing a massive vote of no-confidence in itself and in everything it professes belief in. The desire to pursue the freedom of expression and the public's right to know has evaporated the moment the object of scrutiny is the media itself.

It is important to listen to the recordings and not go only by the transcripts, for the tonality of these exchanges is quite revealing. There is an ease, a feeling of being on the same side that pervades conversations between the media and the powerful. The eagerness to please is evident as is the thrill of being part of the world of such important people.
In the last few years, journalists have become Big People who are most comfortable when dealing with other Big People. It is no coincidence that we have a 'summit' run by a media house that is underway and which carries photographs of ornate looking journalists mingling with the bejewelled power elite –described as 'the who's who enjoying free flowing conversation over a lavish spread of cocktails and sumptuous food'. Of course, this is hardly limited to any one media house — every media organisation worth its name has something similar — an event which is designed to get cosy with powerful people and glamorous celebrities. In a deeper, more fundamental way, the interests of the media and the power elite have begun to coincide. The media today is an exponent of power, rather than a watchdog over those who exercise power as it is a participant in the culture of celebrity rather than its critic.

As a consequence, the media rarely attacks the truly powerful. It uses its power to isolate the vulnerable and trains its guns at them. The really powerful politicians are rarely put to sword and critical stories about the rich are almost unheard of. The interests of a few are looked after and the successful media people in turn lead lives of sponsored magnificence. 

A cozy circle drives the media agenda — we see the same people on all the talk shows and it is no coincidence that a large number of them appear on these tapes. The illusion of media activism is created not by the incisiveness of the reportage but by its shrillness.  
A Suresh Kalmadi is much easier to attack than a Sharad Pawar and it takes no courage to go after Ruchika's molester. By going after easy targets and chasing symbolic issues rather than substantive ones, the media discourse is flattened; the aristocracy of banality flourishes even as it schmoozes with each other.

Whichever way you look at it, there is no justification for the media to black out this controversy. Of course, it must be careful about not casually besmirching the reputation of the individuals involved by ensuring that it uses the highest standards of fairness in its coverage. But to argue that the issue does not merit coverage is untenable. If it feels no reservations about covering sting operations, which are flagrant violations of the privacy of those involved, it can surely not hide behind the privacy fig leaf. If the silence is attributed to wanting to make absolutely sure that the tapes are authentic, then that principle should have been applied in other cases too. Also, no one has seriously challenged the authenticity of the tapes. And if, the silence is part of an unwritten code of protection that the media offers to itself, then it is time to dismantle that pact. Not only because it must treat itself in exactly the same way as it treats others but because it is the right thing to do.
From Santosh Desai's column in Times of India. More Here

Wednesday, October 27, 2010

...while communal killers, mass murderers and rapists roam free!

 
"I write this from Srinagar, Kashmir. This morning's papers say that I may be arrested on charges of sedition for what I have said at recent public meetings on Kashmir. I said what millions of people here say every day. I said what I, as well as other commentators have written and said for years. Anybody who cares to read the transcripts of my speeches will see that they were fundamentally a call for justice. 
I spoke about justice for the people of Kashmir who live under one of the most brutal military occupations in the world; for Kashmiri Pandits who live out the tragedy of having been driven out of their homeland; for Dalit soldiers killed in Kashmir whose graves I visited on garbage heaps in their villages in Cuddalore; for the Indian poor who pay the price of this occupation in material ways and who are now learning to live in the terror of what is becoming a police state.
Yesterday I traveled to Shopian, the apple-town in South Kashmir which had remained closed for 47 days last year in protest against the brutal rape and murder of Asiya and Nilofer, the young women whose bodies were found in a shallow stream near their homes and whose murderers have still not been brought to justice. I met Shakeel, who is Nilofer's husband and Asiya's brother. We sat in a circle of people crazed with grief and anger who had lost hope that they would ever get 'insaf'—justice—from India, and now believed that Azadi—freedom— was their only hope. I met young stone pelters who had been shot through their eyes. I traveled with a young man who told me how three of his friends, teenagers in Anantnag district, had been taken into custody and had their finger-nails pulled out as punishment for throwing stones.

In the papers some have accused me of giving 'hate-speeches', of wanting India to break up. On the contrary, what I say comes from love and pride. It comes from not wanting people to be killed, raped, imprisoned or have their finger-nails pulled out in order to force them to say they are Indians. It comes from wanting to live in a society that is striving to be a just one. 
 
Pity the nation that has to silence its writers for speaking their minds. Pity the nation that needs to jail those who ask for justice, while communal killers, mass murderers, corporate scamsters, looters, rapists, and those who prey on the poorest of the poor, roam free."
Arundhati Roy's statement in Times of India. More Here

Sunday, June 13, 2010

''If thousands of the nouveau riche had died on that night in Bhopal, Anderson would still be in an Indian prison" laments M J Akbar


Trust me: if thousands of politicians, or their cousins, the nouveau riche, had died on that apocalyptic night in Bhopal, Anderson would still be in an Indian prison, rather than in America, protected by his company, and the company that his company keeps. But only the poor died in Bhopal. We treat our poor as dispensable chattel whose death is meaningless in the economic calculus, since there is no shortage of supply. Bhopal is class war.

Is it surprising — or not? — that while even the Obama administration jumped in with some gratuitous advice, Dr Manmohan Singh had nothing to say? Perhaps the Prime Minister would have been repetitive. In essence, the signal from Washington and Delhi is the same: forget the dead, get on with multinational life.

Barack Obama was not elected to ensure justice for the Indian victim. He is in the White House to protect American business, and defend the two-laws theory that motivates American international relations, whether in war or peace. When 11 American workers were killed in an oil rig blow-up in the Gulf of Mexico, Washington demanded $1.5 billion from BP.  Nearly 20,000 dead in Bhopal, half a million affected, and the total compensation is $470 million. Do the math. Obama has promised to penalize BP for the current oil spill to the extent of many billions of dollars. Magistrate Manoj Tiwari wants only Rs 5 lakh as reparation from Carbide for mass slaughter.

When Exxon was fined $5 billion for the Alaska oil spill, nearly $40,000 was spent on the rehabilitation of every affected sea otter. The victims of Bhopal are, so far, entitled to $200 each.
Don’t do the math. It may turn you into a cynic.

From M J Akbar's column in Times of India. More Here.

Saturday, June 05, 2010

Maoists, Mining and the Great Indian Loot!


To understand how mining policy has actually helped the Maoists, let’s take the specific case of iron ore — crucial for Chhattisgarh and Orissa and not insignificant for Jharkhand, all states with a serious Maoist problem on their hands.

At the turn of the millennium in 2001-01, India exported iron ore worth a measly Rs 358 crore. By 2008-09, that figure was up to Rs 21,725 crore, a sixty-fold jump in just seven years.

Driving this export of ore were several factors. One was the decanalisation of exports of ore with an iron content of 64% or less in the late 1990s. The other was China’s seemingly insatiable appetite for iron ore in the run-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics. As a result, the international price of ore — with 63% iron content — soared to $200 per tonne in March 2008, more than four times the price five years ago. 

Indian ore exporters thus had a ready and profitable market. The icing on the cake was provided by the royalty rates charged by the government. The rates fixed in October 2004 varied from as little as Rs 4 per tonne for low-grade ore to a maximum of Rs 27 per tonne for the highest grades. There was also no export duty. 

To see what this meant, check out what the Karnataka Lok Ayukta had to say on the allegations of illegal mining in the Bellary region of the state. Its report submitted in December 2008 pointed out that when the export price was hovering around Rs 6,000 to Rs 7,000 per tonne, the state government was getting between Rs 16 and Rs 27 by way of royalty. The extraction cost to the miner was, by the state’s own admission, of the order of Rs 150 per tonne. The Lok Ayukta noted that even if the transportation cost was estimated at Rs 250 per tonne, the total cost for the exporter would be not more than Rs 427 per tonne. 

Since the export price of the ore even in a slump was never lower than Rs 1,500 per tonne, that would leave a neat profit of Rs1,073 per tonne. Out of this, the state was getting at best Rs 27. 

So outraged was the Lok Ayukta by these calculations, that the report went on to advocate a complete ban not just on export of ore but also on its trading, saying it should be reserved only for captive mining by domestic steel producers. 

It took another two years before the ministry finally notified the new rates in August 2009. But there was a catch. The “sale price” which was to form the basis for the ad valorem rates would be determined by the Indian Bureau of Mines (IBM) on the basis of the average of sale prices reported by non-captive producers. 

To see why this made a mockery of the 10% rate, just look at the numbers for February 2010, the last month for which the IBM has put up the sale prices on its website. The all-India sale price average for lumps of 62-65% iron content was Rs 1,760 per tonne. The highest sale price for any state for this grade of ore was put at Rs 1,949 per tonne. 

Against this, the average international price prevailing in February for Indian ore of 63% iron content bound for Chinese ports was $128 per tonne, which is closer to Rs 6,000 per tonne. Even allowing for transportation costs, which can be significant, clearly there is a wide gap between the price at which the royalty rate is being applied and what the exporter is actually getting. 

Why do these details of iron ore extraction and sale matter? Because the enormous margins involved — in exports as well as domestic sales — mean that the scope for sleaze and the temptation for illegal mining are huge. 

And this is where the connection with Maoists lies. Not only has rapacious mining turned the tribal away from the state, it has reportedly provided a steady source of funding for the Maoists through extortion. In short, by promoting this variety of crony capitalism, the state has shot itself in the foot.

From Shankar Raghuraman's article in Times of India Read More

Tuesday, November 04, 2008

Of Dharma Yudh and Jihad


Here is an interesting article which was published in The Times of India. It is different and innovative. The writer deserves all praise for writing such a balanced article. The lines which appealed to me more than everything else is the one: "Planting a bomb surreptitiously to kill an innocent is not Jihad; so, too, burning a handicap person to death is not Dharma Yudh."

Let all those involved heed this sane advice. Let peace prevail. Let thousands of flowers bloom in this orchard. Congratulate this young writer and encourage him. He blogs here.
Salam Ishthiyaque bhai!



Of Dharma Yudh and Jihad


Sayyid Abdullah Tariq is a modern, educated Muslim from Rampur, U.P. He has devoted his life to studying the Quran and the Vedas and believes that the two Holy Scriptures were revealed to guide humanity. In October 2003, I invited him to deliver a lecture at the Hamdard University on "the commonalities between the Vedas and the Quran". During the lecture he, all of sudden, sought to know the communal composition of the audience. There were some 200 students and it was pleasing to note that about 60 per cent of them were Hindus. The speaker asked them if anyone had seen the Vedas; he was sure that none had read them. To our surprise no one gave an affirmative answer.

Until a few years ago,
Hamdard University used to organize lectures by eminent scholars to sensitize students about various cultures. Unfortunately, the lecture series has discontinued but its relevance cannot be undermined. In fact, in view of rising communal tensions, universities in the country need to organize such lectures to produce better-informed leaders.

Ever since I heard Mr. Tariq's lecture in 2003, I have wondered
if one's poor knowledge of his own religion is as dangerous for socio-communal harmony as our ignorance about other faiths. No one can deny that such ignorance has often been exploited by misguided elements to create cleavages in society. And, of late, elements of both —the Hindu and Muslim communities, as alleged by police and the media, have indulged in abominable acts of violence.

Both Hindu and Islamic scriptures have outlined their concepts of Dharma Yudh and Jihad. In essence, the two imply man's utmost effort, including war, to establish justice. They have not only explained their respective concepts of war but have also laid down principles which warring sides are required to observe.

Hindu scriptures have outlined the rules to be observed in the battlefield. The
Manusmriti has forbidden to smite one's foes with sharp weapons concealed in wood or with arrows mischievously barbed. It has also forbidden the use of poisoned arrows, or darts blazing with fire. Similarly, it urges a horseman not to attack the enemy alighted on the ground, or those who surrender. A warrior in sleep or without arms will not be attacked; noncombatants are also to be spared.

The Mahabharata has also outlined similar rules which warriors are required to observe. Among other things, it has forbidden to kill a weak or wounded man. The old, women of all ages, children and those fleeing from the battlefield should neither be attacked nor killed. By-standers and non-combatant citizens walking along roads should not be killed. Above all, gardens, temples and other places of public worship are not to be attacked or ransacked. Fighting at night or attacking the enemy under the cover of darkness is also not permitted. As in other religions, in Islam too, the most important teaching is man's right to live. And the power to establish justice that involves taking an individual's life is vested with the state.
Killing a man unjustly is like killing all of mankind, declares the Holy Quran.

Islam has permitted war on those who oppress mankind, unleash violence and drive people out of their homes just because they follow a different religion. But while permitting war, Islam has also laid down some principles of warfare which are to be strictly followed. These principles, like those of Hinduism, are regarding the rights of combatants and non-combatants, the rights of ambassadors, captives and those conquered. The combatant belligerents are those who take up arms and physically participate in a war. Like Hinduism, Islam has also urged not to kill the aged, women, children, the sick, the wounded, the blind, the handicap and wayfarers. War has to be fought justly for a just cause and recourse to violence is permitted only in unavoidable circumstances.

It would be appropriate to ask if people, Hindus and Muslims allegedly involved in acts of terrorism, have ever sought to understand the noble teachings of their respective faiths regarding the rights of innocents who often happen to be targets of their ferocious bombings and mob frenzy. Dharma Yudh and Jihad are noble concepts and the two are waged for attaining cherished ideals like establishing justice and ending oppression. They are also conducted chivalrously and within the moral limits prescribed by Holy Scriptures.
Planting a bomb surreptitiously to kill an innocent is not Jihad; so, too, burning a handicap person to death is not Dharma Yudh.
There is something seriously wrong with the understanding that terrorism is Jihad or Dharma Yudh. It is sad to note that the energy of so many young men is being misused to cause destruction. It is negative thinking which succeeds only in holding back development. Positive thinking, on the other hand, enables man to create a better and more prosperous tomorrow which is what India needs.

THIS ARTICLE PUBLISHED IN TIMES OF INDIA ON NOV 2th (But you cannot see it in TOI's website.)

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